Japanese Americans Uprooted in WWII

Uprooted by Albert Marrin breaks many of the “rules” that I have, correctly or not, picked up from other nonfiction writers–or perhaps mostly from my critique group. I have been discouraged from shifting out of the historical narrative to refer to current events and from using first person to bring myself into the narrative. (That one goes back at least to my high school English teacher—and yours, too, I’m sure!) I have learned to avoid getting bogged down in backstory and to get right to the narrative. Yet Marrin, National Book Award finalist, does all three of these. His book doesn’t suffer. Indeed, he clearly has used them with intention and to good effect.

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Backstory: The title of Marrin’s book is Uprooted, and, indeed, it serves as a refrain through much of the book. Japanese Americans were uprooted and suffered greatly as a result. The subtitle is also apt: The Japanese American Experience During World War II. Yet there are no Japanese Americans in the narrative (other than a single sentence reference in the prologue) in the first fifty pages of his dense text. The book begins appropriately enough with the attack at Pearl Harbor. But chapter 1 is titled “The Pacific Age,” in which Marrin examines Old Japan, late imperial China, and the conflicts between the two East Asian countries. The next chapter, “Dreams of Fortune,” examines immigration to the United States, first generally, then with a focus on Chinese and Japanese immigration. Japanese emigrants begin entering the United States on page 51.

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My critique group would have had a cow with me if I had submitted to them, in monthly installments, ten 5-page drafts to critique with before beginning the main narrative of my book. (Marrin, more of a professional than I would have had weekly critique group meetings to get through his lengthy text.) Their critique is irrelevant for me as a reader. I loved the extensive backstory. His book was exactly what I needed to take in the full scope of the subject–a scope whose extent I understood but of which my knowledge and understanding was incomplete and not well connected. I agree with Marrin that understanding the removal and internment of Japanese Americans can only be understood in the context of the Pacific Age which had been taking shape for decades. (I imagine a reader who is primarily interested in the uprooting would use the table of contents and begin reading at page 67 or 92.)

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Anachronism: When writing about a historical concept that may be new to readers, I am tempted to make analogy with something in the present. But someone in the business–I don’t recall who–told me to avoid such anachronisms. So I took note of the few times when Marrin did the same. He compared Japanese geta to “today’s flip-flops.” He explained the concept of euphemism, used perniciously by the War Relocation Authority, to more benign uses of today: “passed away,” “senior citizens,” “put to sleep.” When General DeWitt banned the use of the term “concentration camp” for being offensive, Marrin explained that it was “not ‘politically correct,’ as we might say today.”

Wikipedia

First Person: I can fairly say that it startled me the first time Marrin inserted himself in the narrative:  “When I was a boy, my parents and their friends could read English perfectly. But after six decades in America, they still had Polish and Russian accents.” Where did he come from? I know the author has been telling the story, but I didn’t think he was part of the story. Did Marrin (or his editor) think the inclusion of this personal connection to Issei and Nisei experience would give him the necessary bona fides to write about an ethnic group to which he did not belong? I suspect it was rather to make the case more effectively that immigrant accents are natural and not a reason for making pejorative judgments. As in: I, the author of this book, your tour guide through this chapter of history whom you have come to trust, has had a similar experience. You wouldn’t judge my parents, would you?

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A few pages later, Marrin enters the drama again the day after Pearl Harbor: “I was nearly six years old when he [Roosevelt] addressed Congress and the nation.” Again, it was startling and more than a little disconcerting. But then: “Besides the rich tone of his voice as it came over the radio, I remember the sound of breaking glass.” His parents and his neighbors were throwing their glassware, all cheap Japanese imports, into the street in protest. What a powerful image. What better way to show the state of mind of average Americans following the Date that Will Live in Infamy. Could he have referred to the event in the third person? Yes. There would have been newspaper accounts to use. But how much more effective to describe his own sensory memory of the event and to implicate himself, through his parents, in the event.

Newsweek

Other things need to be praised about Marrin’s book. First, of all the research. As stated above, he covers the entire topic which required readings in all its many corners. The extent and depth, too, of his research are impressive. (I was surprised that he did not include mention of the Harry Ueno incident and demonstrations at Manzanar and disappointed he did not refer to Santo Tomas when recounting the liberation Philippines—but, hey, this book is very complete.) The best part of his book is the many first person quotations he includes to tell the story from different points of view, especially the Japanese Americans’. Even when they come from secondary sources, the quotations are superbly chosen: telling in their detail, often moving or surprising in their content.

Utah Humanities

For all the content and detail, Marrin is a master of providing convincing expressions of the big picture, as well. His exploration of the Nisei experience: “Nisei faced questions we all must answer in growing up: What path should I take in life? How shall I earn a living?” On the need for wartime propaganda: “Just as a chain is only as strong as its weakest link, a nation’s strength depends upon its people’s willingness to sacrifice for victory. Doubts about a war’s conduct and morality can weaken national unity and the will to fight.” His rationale for the injustice of the uprooting: “The American ideal of justice is based on individual rights and equality before the law. It rejects any notion of group guilt.”

ThoughtCo

(It is interesting to note that when the racial generalizing goes the other way, it is allowed to pass unquestioned. A Nisei GI happened to be the one to free Yanina Cywinska from Dachau even as she stood blindfolded, awaiting her own execution for aiding a Jew. A Californian in 1991, Cywinska told a reporter, “To this day, if anyone says the word ‘Jap,’ I become a vicious woman. I adore Japanese people for giving me the chance to live.” Of course, it wasn’t the Japanese people who liberated her but one individual Japanese man (or, perhaps, his unit). We humans are prone to generalization, affinities and prejudices, that are primarily not rational. I write this after having watched the Olympics and found myself rooting for certain countries and their athletes and not others. Japan and France: yes. R.O.C. and Germany: not so much. I can identify my reasons easily enough, yet the bulk of sports fandom resides in the gut, as does nationalism more generally. Sportsmanship, though, means rooting for a team, not against the other. Positive generalizations are much preferred over negative ones. Nevertheless, we should be aware whenever we make them.)

I appreciated Marrin’s explanation for inaptness of the term “internment camp.” Internment during wartime, he explains, “is part of American and international law. …Except for the community leaders arrested in the days after Pearl Harbor, no other Issei had their cases heard by a special panel and thus were not interned.” They were, more accurately, imprisoned.

Newsweek

Marrin convinced me that the internment camp is not a legally accurate description of Manzanar et al., but I do not agree that it is (or even was) a euphemism. My online dictionary gives as its definitions: “1. a prison camp for the confinement of prisoners of war, enemy aliens, political prisoners, etc.; 2. a concentration camp for civilian citizens, especially those with ties to an enemy during wartime, as the camps established by the United States government to detain Japanese Americans after the Pearl Harbor attacks.” Apparently, the meaning of the term has changed to more accurately describe its use of 75 years ago; “concentration camp” has been co-opted into its definition. Today, “internment camp,” used to describe Topaz et al., has a shade of meaning on the softer, euphemistic end of the continuum, but is still accurate. “Prison camp” is apt when a stronger shade of meaning is required or desired. “Concentration camp” is stronger yet, but no less accurate for being so.

Marrin points out that FDR, perhaps ironically, called the “relocation centers” (The WRA term and clearly a euphemism) by their “correct name”: concentration camps. As did, allegedly Harold Ickes who said, “We gave the fancy name of ‘relocation centers’ to these dust bowls, but they were concentration camps, nonetheless.” [131] Yet Ickes words come to us only after the fact, when the crisis had been resolved and the political situation had shifted. He may have held those very thoughts at the time, but he did not leave a record of them, at least that Marrin was able to include.

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Marrin shows his readers clearly how the actions of individuals can have powerful and lasting impacts on entire nations. Navy Secretary Knox‘s imputation of fifth columnists at work on Oahu threw sparks on the tinder of Americans’ fears in December 1941. Ditto Earl Warren, California’s governor, and any number of columnists for Hearst‘s San Francisco Examiner. But the number one bigot, whose words and actions had the most power for good or bad was Franklin Roosevelt himself. Marrin shows how the president’s Delano family business in China pre-disposed him to anti-Japanese views. Combined with contemporary racialist thinking that he seems to have imbibed in full (See Madison Grant, The Passing of the Great Race, et al.) his Nippon-ophobia turned outspokenly racist, at least as far back as the 1920s. The Rape of Nanking would only have confirmed his prejudice of the “baboons” and “damned Japs” (words he used in private). In public, Roosevelt spoke more high-mindedly in the weeks prior to Order 9066: asking Americans to be “particularly vigilant against racial discrimination in any of its ugly forms.” [84-86] Marrin lets us see hypocrisy—or just plain politics–in action.

Individuals can change, too, so Marrin shows a repentant Earl Warren at the end of the book. After becoming Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, he apologized for his actions during the war. “It was wrong to react so impulsively, without positive evidence of disloyalty.” The confession goes a long way toward accounting for his and the nation’s illegal and dishonorable actions on 1942-1944.

Perhaps surprisingly, from the vantage point of our current jaundiced view of government, the Congressional Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians convincingly explained the travesty in a few cogent sentences of its 1982 report, Personal Justice Denied: “The broad historical causes which shape these decisions were race prejudice, war hysteria and a failure of political leadership. Widespread ignorance of Japanese Americans contributed to a policy conceived in haste and executed in an atmosphere of fear and anger at Japan.” Marrin has shown us in 200-odd pages that this was exactly so.

Discover Nikkei

For the reader of Uprooted, the explanation of Hoichi “Bob” Kubo of the Allied Translator and Interpretation Section of the army to officers in the Japanese Imperial Army as they contemplated mass suicide of themselves and civilians in a cave on Saipan, seemed equally essential to the book. Kubo told the men who looked like him (as we might say today) but wore a different uniform: “You are the sons of Japanese parents. You were born in Japan and fight for your country, Japan. I am also the son of Japanese parents, but I was born in the United States. The United States is my country and I fight for it. The United States has honored me by making me a sergeant.” Kubo’s is not the final word, either literally in the book or figuratively in our understanding of how this global catastrophe divided loyalties of family, nation, “race,” and humanity. It does not answer every question we might ask. But it is a start. And it feels like the right place to end this post.

Source: Marrin, Albert. Uprooted: The Japanese American Experience During WWII. New York: Alfred Knopf, 2016.

How We Got to the Moon

I read John Rocco’s How We Got to the Moon this summer, 10-12 pages a day until I had read all 250. David McCauley calls it “Nothing short of stunning!” on the cover. He’s right. The book has a lot in common with McCauley’s books, but the color illustrations set his apart. Many are full two-page spreads. He includes many insets and assorted small illustrations. The book also benefits from having a single over-arching narrative thread: getting to the moon.

McCauley has focused mainly on technology. Rocco’s subtitle advertises a wider interest: “The People, Technology, and Daring Feats of Science Behind Humanity’s Greatest Adventure.” He provides many, many personal profiles, including those of otherwise unsung heroes, from the seamstresses of suits and parachutes to the nutritionists who devised the space menu. Behind the third part of the subtitle–the daring feats–is the teamwork of “400,000 people” employed in the effort toward a single goal, as well as “the wives, husbands, partners, and families of everyone who participated in the Apollo program.” Rocco’s main interest, he says in the epilogue, is “the grit, determination, and hard work it took to achieve the goal–also the problem-solving, the organization, the science, and the sheer cleverness of it all.”

 

The main text is written as narrative in the present tense. Insets are written as long captions of a paragraph or two. Throughout are insets labeled Problem!, which describe a technical or organizational problem the Apollo program faced. These are followed by Solution! headings and explanations of how the problem was solved. The format is very effective.

 

Rocco has done impressive research, but it should be understood that the book is the result of a lifetime passion. (From the jacket About the Author: “If he wasn’t able to make books, he would like to work as an engineer for NASA.”) Much Apollo archive material was available to him online, but he also traveled widely and spoke to many of the men and women who were there. The personal interviews, he says in the acknowledgments, allowed him to get clarification on technical matters that otherwise eluded him. He explains in clear, effective prose. On only two or three pages did I truly get lost (on the pages, no surprise, about the rocket science). Everything was easily understandable for me and, I suspect, will be for children. His ability to illustrate his ideas in pictures as well as words is what sets his book apart. He was able to use photos of actual people and events as the basis for many of his illustrations.

 

I might add: I have no special interest in space exploration, never have. But this book is everything Rocco says it is in his epilogue: a tribute to the most ambitious group problem-solving endeavor in human history.

 

Rocco, John. How We Got to the Moon: The People, Technology, and Daring Feats of Science Behind Humanity’s Greatest Adventure. New York: Crown Books for Young Readers, 2020.

The Swerve

posted in: Good Reads: Nonfiction | 0

I picked up The Swerve to get closer to the Epicurean ideas of Lucretius. I expected an intellectual history. But Stephen Greenblatt’s book is not that. Or, it is not only that. It tells a very earthy story of how the one surviving book of an ancient Roman anticipated, and even helped create, the modern world. As he says in the closing pages, it is about a book that “survived because a succession of people, in a range of places and times and for reasons that seem largely accidental, encountered the material object–the papyrus or parchment or paper, with its inky marks attributed to Titus Lucretius Carus–and then sat down to make copies of their own.” [260] The emphasis in the parenthetical is purposeful. Greenblatt’s book tells a material history as well as one of ideas. Appropriately so, for Lucretius’s ideas are shaped around materialism–humans, despite their “illusions of the infinite” [197] are composed of atoms, invisible and indivisible particles which will rearrange and persist after the individual’s life is gone. And Lucretian Epicureanism commends pleasure as a positive good.

 

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The central character in Greenblatt’s narrative–the pivotal figure in the succession of people who encountered Lucretius’s text–is Gian Francesco Poggio Bracciolini. Appropriately, too, Poggio is a paragon of earthy intellectualism and bookish cupidity. The sources tell so much more of Poggio than of Lucretius, so it makes sense that we learn more about him than the author of the book he recovered. Yet it takes time to understand Greenblatt’s larger purpose for focusing on a lay papal secretary, obsessed with finding lost works of antiquity.

 

 

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The medieval sources are only fractionally less sparse than the ancient ones, so Greenblatt displays rare feats of historianship to fill out the scenes. When the specific events are not knowable, he draws on his widest of wide reading to fill in the gaps. Which was the monastery where Poggio discovered the lost Lucretius? Greenblatt’s sleuthing leads him to identify Fulda as the most likely place, but he acknowledges that he cannot know for sure. So we read sentences like, “If it was Fulda he approached…” [44] as he goes on to limn the geography of the abbey. Greenblatt combines research, both deep and broad, with impressive historical imagination to make an undocumented event richly and convincingly detailed: “If he had not already taken it in, Poggio would certainly have realized, as he entered the transept and walked down the stairs into the dark, vaulted crypt, that Fulda’s pilgrimage church seemed strangely familiar: it was directly modeled after Rome’s fourth-century basilica of St. Peter’s,” [46] Or, on the next page: “Such, in any case, was Poggio’s ardent hope, in Fulda or wherever he found himself, and his pulse must have quickened when at last he would have been led by the monastery’s chief librarian into a large vaulted room and shown a volume attached by a chain to the librarian’s own desk.” [47]

 

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Poggio’s life and times form the subject of several chapters in the book. In them, we see the classical scholar and the conniving bureaucrat residing comfortably side-by-side within him. He lusts for women almost as much as he does for books. (He fathered fourteen (!) children with his (one?!) mistress.) His expensive book-hunting habit was underwritten by his work for a series of popes. He had to scheme and connive to get these posts, but he eventually grew wealthy and even married late in late middle age to a young woman thirty-eight years his junior. (She bore him six children.) Always, though, his deepest pleasure came from his books. Greenblatt notes his habit of writing to his friends, “Let us spend our leisure with our books….” They alone provided the necessary escape from the tribulations of the bureaucratic world he inhabited.

 

Between hunting for lost works of classical literature, reading them, and scribing for popes, Poggio found time to write what Greenblatt calls “the best known jokebook of its age,” Facetiae, full of bawdy tales that would have made Chaucer or Boccaccio proud. One, Greenblatt tells us, is about a woman who says she has “two cunts.” Another tells about a priest perplexed by confessions of wives who all say they are faithful and of men who confess infidelity. Then there is the man who dreams he has put his finger in a ring and wakes to find it in his wife’s vagina. [143-144] And on it goes.

 

Greenblatt is as adept at synthesizing the broader sweep of intellectual history as he is at filling out thinly documented scenes and events. He sums up several hundred years of early Christian history in a tidy four paragraphs ending: “Through the telling of these [renunciation] stories, [Christians] acted out, as in a dream, the abandonment of the rich cultural soil in which they, their parents, and their grandparents were nurtured, until one day they awoke to find that they actually had abandoned [that pagan cultural soil].” [96] Greenblatt may be oversimplifying. The proposition can hardly be confirmed or denied conclusively. Yet, what other writer gives us quite so much to consider–in so few words!–about the mysterious, otherwise unfathomable transition from the pagan ancient world to the medieval Christian one?

 

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On the next page, Greenblatt provides more insight on the meaning and feeling of that transition. In the initial century after Constantine, Christians no longer had to fear overt oppression, yet Greenblatt finds defensiveness and insecurity evident in their writings: “The threat was not persecution–the official religion of the empire by this time was Christian–but ridicule. A fate no doubt preferable to being thrown to the lions, laughter in the ancient world nonetheless had very sharp teeth.” [97] A religion that prided itself on the humble origins of its founder and the often uneducated backgrounds of its adherents was, quite literally, laughable in the Greco-Roman context from which it emerged.

 

Greenblatt needs just a few more pages of quotations from Tertullian and other early church fathers before he can conclude, pithily, “In one of the great cultural transformations in the history of the West, the pursuit of pain triumphed over the pursuit of pleasure.” [103] [Some reviewers think Greenblatt over-generalized, over-simplified, and simply ignored facts. At the time, while reading, I did wonder how he could hold up an ascendant Medieval asceticism in the fourth chapter after having Poggio critique monks as lazy and venal in the first. Worse, he has been accused of Whiggish history.]

 

 

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What of Lucretius himself, or, rather, his recovered book, De Rerum Natura, On the Nature of Things? The reader has to wait until the eighth chapter. Greenblatt reduces a three-hundred-page text to twenty annotated bullet points. These include: “The elementary particles of matter…are eternal,” “All particles are in motion in an infinite void,” “Everything comes into being as a result of a swerve,” “The universe was not created for or about human beings,” “Human society began not in a Golden Age of tranquility and plenty, but in a primitive battle for survival,” “All organized religions are superstitious delusions,” “The greatest obstacle to pleasure is not pain; it is delusion,” and “Understanding the nature of things generates deep wonder.” Greenblatt’s subtitle, “How the World Became Modern,” comes into focus as one hears echoes of Newton, Einstein, Darwin, Freud, and even Edward Lorenz and Richard Dawkins.

 

Greenblatt saved the best for last with his explanation of delusion’s deleteriousness: “Human insignificance–the fact that it is not all about us and our fate–is, Lucretius said, the good news.” Greenblatt continues: “The origin of philosophy, it was often said in the ancient world, was wonder: surprise and bafflement led to a desire to know, and knowledge in turn laid the wonder to rest. But in Lucretius’ account the process is something like the reverse: it is knowing the way things are that awakens the deepest wonder.” [199] I nodded my head at every word.

 

In Poggio, I saw myself as the classicist/historian who finds meaning in books from and about the past even to the point of escapism. Yet, as I am no schemer, with no connections to the levers of power, I have, in fact, less to escape than Poggio did. It is also true that my explorations of the past are always and everywhere guided by a quest to see things as they are. I search for universal truths in the particulars, and perhaps the most important one is the Lucretian idea that all is change. Even Epicurean ideas aren’t universally true.

 

Lugubulinus

Still, in Lucretius, I do see my way of viewing the world. With every one of twenty bullet points I say yes, and yes, and yes, again, while recognizing that the skeptical outlook requires its own dose of skepticism. Doubt itself is doubtful. Greenblatt reminds us that Montaigne‘s skeptical temperament “kept him from the dogmatic certainty of Epicureanism.” [245-246] The French philosophe understood the too-human “restless striving for fame, power, and riches,” as Lucretius had, and he, too, “cherished his own withdrawal from the world into the privacy of his book-lined study in the tower of his chateau.” Nevertheless, Greenblatt explains, “the withdrawal seems only to have intensified [Montaigne’s] awareness of the perpetual motion, the instability of forms, the plurality of worlds, the random swerves to which he himself was as fully prone as everyone else.” Exactly.

 

In Greenblatt, I found a historical writer to emulate. I can never duplicate his erudition nor the sheer volume of his reading, but I do, as a habit, aim to read as widely I am able, to understand the context of the story I am researching, to try to figure out how it might have felt then and how we can better understand it now. For bringing to life the world of Poggio Bracciolini and for resuscitating the ideas of Lucretius for a culture, modern or not, which has forgotten them (again), Stephen Greenblatt surely earned his National Book Award and Pulitzer Prize.

 

Source: Greenblatt, Stephen. The Swerve: How the World Became Modern. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2011.

Cicada Haiku

posted in: Personal | 0

Rip Van Winkles from

our remembered past, link to

an unsure future;

 

prime number of years

separating us from what

has been and will be.

 

Predictable: no

arcane algorithm, just

layman’s addition.

 

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A city composed

of those who remember and

those who wish they did.

 

Imagination

of memory and ignorance

collide, fold together.

 

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“Just how bad, again?”

“Shut-your-door-fast-or-else bad,

in Eighty-seven.”

 

Headlines, talking heads

succumb to a gratifying

hyperbole:

 

“Invasion Coming!”

“Emergency Plans Made for

Insect Emergence!”

 

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Cicada expert

and biology professor

from Mount St. Joseph’s,

 

 

Dr. Kritsky calms

us with facts and data: his

fifteen days of fame.

 

The Old Farmer’s Almanac

Soil temperature

reaches sixty-five, soaking

rain softens the earth;

 

we wait, hold our breaths;

scan tree trunks for trackless dark

shadows, quivering;

 

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crane our ears out car

windows for the first clicky

whines of the cycle.

 

Nothing…on nothing.

Official emergence be

damned!  What a let-down!

 

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But they finally come,

trickle out silent in the night,

silent the next day,

 

a trail of outgrown

husks dangling from leaf stems or

scattered ‘round tree trunks.

 

Here and not here, they

hide in treetops, stretching wings,

adjusting to air.

 

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The chorus begins:

pulsating, rhythmic; surging

and receding like

 

waves on a night beach,

constant as a waterfall

breaking over rocks.

 

May-June companions,

we share world and worries with

these red-eyed drummers.

 

Only vaguely there

in low pressure: spluttering

among the raindrops

 

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Insistent in sun:

announcing virility

and desperation.

 

A thrilling, swarming

cacophony beneath the

shaken yellow ash.

 

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Lined up on trunk and

limb like black-gold hearses

on an L.A. freeway.

 

Two-headed creatures

making good on the promise

of seventeen years;

 

Kamikaze bugs

dive-bombing the innocent:

a hit-and-run strike;

 

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indiscriminate

hitchhikers on shirt sleeve or

lawn mower rip cord;

 

clumsy fliers, bouncing

off misplaced stalks, sputter out

mid-road, rest too long.

flickr.com

 

Fallen bodies litter

road and sidewalk: organic

precipitation—

 

leg-up cadavers:

latest casualties from the

sky of attrition.

 

Sometimes it is hard to tell the living from the dead.

I pick one up, lightly pinch its wings to its abdomen;

no sound or movement, so I drop it on the ground.

nypost.com

Another: protests feebly, a few sporadic clicks.

Between my thumb and forefinger, I turn her

(it is a her—she clicked, after all) to face me.

Her red eyes, less red than I remembered from

the emergence, absolutely expressionless,

not a hint of pleading or even desire.  Before

it’s too late, I toss her in the air.

The ol’ wings—not old at all, of course—

fail her and she lands up-turned in the grass,

the six forelegs that pulled her so faithfully

up and down tree roots for seventeen years and,

ultimately, into the light grasp ineffectually at air.

 

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A body breaks down.

Nature has passed on its genes

and the body is free to break down: Go ahead.

 

Why am I so sad for this being who feels no pain,

who doesn’t know her last hours will be spent circling

a blade of grass, staring up at an uncaring sky?

 

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Now: birds sing sweetly

an air conditioner hums—

deafening absence.

 

by Andrew Speno

June 2004