Eddie Rickenbacker Makes War and Love on the Western Front

posted in: Eddie Rickenbacker | 0
Captain Rickenbacker, 1918

** Article published in World War I Illustrated, Spring 2021, No. 14: 4-10.**

Edward Vernon Rickenbacker ensured his place in history with actions taken during a surprisingly brief stretch, from September 25 to November 11, 1918. True, the fourteen preceding years of determined effort and self-improvement had made those pivotal weeks possible. Yet the life and career that came after would not have played out as they did but for the string of aerial victories Rickenbacker attained in the fall of 1918. Without first becoming America’s ace of aces, he would not have become Captain Eddie, president and chairman of Eastern Air Lines.  Neither, likely, would he have become owner and director of the Indianapolis Motor Speedway, nor advisor to the Army Air Forces chief and the Secretary of War in the next worldwide conflagration.

At the height of his prolific, six-and-a-half week stretch, on October 25, 1918, the Los Angeles Times fired its own gossipy salvo: “To Wed Famous Air Ace: Priscilla Dean Admits Engagement to Eddie Rickenbacker.”[1] It took just two days for the rumor to fly the Atlantic and reach Rickenbacker’s ear. On a day he registered his twenty-second and twenty-third victories and also witnessed the sobering sight of his squadron mate, Hamilton Coolidge, “all burnt to a crisp” on the ground, he felt compelled to add in his diary: “Newspaper prints account of my engagement to Miss Dean a movie queen which is not true.”[2]

The fabrication was hardly a threat to Rickenbacker’s reputation. To the contrary, it doubtlessly enhanced his growing celebrity. Yet the Rickenbacker-Dean storyline concealed a delicious irony. At the same time the press was speculating on ace and actress, Rickenbacker was carrying on an actual dalliance with another aspiring star of stage and screen. As he was leading the Hat-in-the-Ring gang to greatness, flying more sorties than any other pilot in the First Pursuit Group, and racking up nineteen of his twenty-six victories, he had time for eight social visits with Lois Meredith of the Over There Theatre League. Eight dates.

But let’s back up.

Test Drive with WJ Bryan, Abilene, Texas, 1909

The Dean wedding rumor was not first to dog Rickenbacker. That occurred almost ten years earlier when he was nineteen-years-old. As Columbus Buggy Company’s chief troubleshooter in Texas (“salesman, demonstrator, mechanic, chief engineer, experimenter—in short, the whole ball of wax”[3]), Rickenbacker made enough money to splurge on a diamond ring for his childhood sweetheart, Blanche Calhoun. He later downplayed the purchase, saying it came from a second-hand jewelry shop in Dallas and “couldn’t have cost a helluva lot.”[4] Even so, the gift was surely meant to impress. It announced the erstwhile “black sheep” from the “wrong side of the tracks” had made good.[5] Very, very, good. Rickenbacker was taking home $125 a week, or an annualized salary of $150,000 in today’s money.

Poor Blanche was nonplussed by the offhand way Rickenbacker seemed to be proposing marriage. Nevertheless, “within 48 hours it was all over the neighborhood”[6] that Eddie and Blanche were getting hitched. “Scared as hell,”[7] Rickenbacker caught a train to Omaha, where he was engaged to begin work anyway, without a word of explanation to Miss Calhoun.

At the same time, Rickenbacker purchased a much more consequential gift for his mother: paying off the balance of her mortgage. Since the death of his father when Rickenbacker was thirteen-years-old, the son had felt a special responsibility to fill the paternal shoes. He had dropped out of school, put aside childish ways, and vowed to become a man. Now, just five years later, he had made good his vow and assured his mother’s financial security.

Rickenbacker’s Racing Fraternity, 1916

His own security was of secondary importance. The thrill of the chase, the pursuit of excellence, the camaraderie of other men: these were his primary motivations. “I wanted to drive good cars fast,” he said later of his decision to quit a high-paying automobile sales career for a high-risk, low-security future in automobile racing, “to pit my automobile knowledge and driving skill and plain old guts against the world’s best.” Besides, he added, “I liked the racing fraternity. I wanted to be a part of it.”[8]

In the lean years, 1912-1914, engineering and racing Duesenbergs, Rickenbacker thrived in an environment of dedicated teamwork. In the heady years, 1915-1916, managing the Maxwell/Prest-O-Lite team, he enjoyed his first taste of leadership. These formative experiences provided the training he put to good use at Meuse-Argonne in October, 1918.

As he accumulated victories on the track and his fame grew, so did the press’s interest in his personal life. Here was a strong, handsome sports celebrity. So where were the women? Rickenbacker deflected reporters’ inquiries, saying, not untruthfully, “I have always had…the most wonderful sweetheart in the world, my little mother.”[9] To the outside world, Rickenbacker appeared too serious, too focused on winning, to be seduced by a woman’s charms. The Chicago Tribune summed him up as “a speed-mad, matrimony-insulated bachelor, [who] has but one love, and that the thoroughbred of steel with which he pursues prize money.”[10]

Was he really so chaste? Probably not.

We know from Rickenbacker that he developed at least a passing friendship with hard-partying Roscoe “Fatty” Arbuckle and that he attended parties at the Beverly Hills home of Clifford Durant, fellow race driver and wayward son of GM founder William Crapo Durant.  Biographer Finis Farr claimed (without footnote) that Rickenbacker “drove his young ladies from one seaside resort to another, from Santa Monica to Ocean Park, Venice, Playa del Rey, Hermosa, Redondo, and Corona del Mar.”[11]

Priscilla Dean

Priscilla Dean might well have been one of these young ladies. Put on stage at age four and in front of the camera at fourteen, Dean was still working in the Hollywood trenches when she met the racecar driver in 1916.

The two apparently met on the race track at Santa Monica, he “tuning up his motor” for a race, she “in make-up” for a scene in another B-list short.[12] As the Los Angeles Times columnist imagined it in 1918, in over-wrought prose: “A hasty introduction started a sturdy friendship in which lurked the germ of love.” Rickenbacker may well have taken the starlet on a date, or six. Whatever the case, when Dean purchased a car of her own, Rickenbacker reportedly helped her with the mechanics. He taught her how to “adjust her carburetor” for speed.

The United States’ entry into the European war forestalled what might have been Rickenbacker’s career year on the track. (He ended the 1916 season in third place.) Yet the war offered an irresistible opportunity to operate a new speed machine: the aeroplane.

Rickenbacker managed to get himself stationed in France, attend five weeks of French flight school, and become the construction engineer for Issoudun Aerodrome, the A.E.F.’s new flight training center. But the incoming, college-educated cadets would have nothing to do with him. He was a mere mechanic—and an ill-mannered, rough-speaking one at that. Theirs was class prejudice, pure and simple.

How Rickenbacker managed to teach himself aerial maneuvers in the Nieuport 28, finagle his way into gunnery school, and earn the respect of the Ivy Leaguers has been told elsewhere. It is enough to know that, by April, 1918, he was a full-fledged member of the Hat-in-the-Ring gang and by June, America’s second homegrown ace.

Then came the setback. Between June 26 and September 6, Rickenbacker spent more days in the hospital (one fever, two ear surgeries) than he did days in the air, at least four times more. He did not add a single victory to the five he had garnered to date (a sixth from May 7 would be confirmed after the war ended).

Hospitalization did give him time to reflect on the mistakes he had made in the air, any one of which could have cut his career, or his life, short. Rickenbacker biographers have inferred that, from his hospital bed in Paris, the ace developed a set of principles, Dicta Rickenbacker, if you will, that would guide him to a total twenty-six confirmed victories, more than any American aviator in the war.

Frustratingly, Rickenbacker’s diary provides no evidence of this self-reflection. Its contents, rather, give updates on his health, news of the war’s progress…and mentions of encounters with “fine,” “dear,” “sweet”[13] young women both in hospital and, while convalescing, around Paris. The longest and most suggestive entry, dated August 22, reads, in full: “While sitting on the balcony listening, a little girl who is nursing here came up and ask [sic] me to go down with her. Would I? Gee, ten years of my life for the chance. Have seen her only a few times before but always came into me a thrill such as has been unknown in my past life. Then, after dinner she bought me some ice cream. Hardly let myself feel she may care. (Yet)”[14]

Hat-in-the-Ring Flying Fraternity, 1918

Three days later Rickenbacker followed up: “My little girl friend came to the room and we had a very interesting chat. She’s a Little Dear, certainly would be a happy boy to have such a girl wonder about me now and then.”[15] At twenty-seven, human nature was catching up with Rickenbacker. He apparently felt a longing for female companionship—or, perhaps, for their attention and admiration.

When Rickenbacker rejoined the Hat-in-the-Ring gang, he was a new man, no longer plagued by either ear pain or doubts. Rested, reflected, renewed, Rickenbacker also benefitted from a more powerful and reliable machine beneath him, the Spad XIII. Such was his performance in September’s St. Mihiel offensive that he, a mere lieutenant, was selected over several college-educated captains to command the 94th Aero Squadron. He quickly proved worthy of his superior’s confidence. He led by example, executed decisively, and inspired loyalty.

None of which prevented him from pursuing a flirtation with actress Lois Meredith.

Born Sara Lois Neely in Pittsburgh,[16] the same year as Rickenbacker in Columbus, Meredith was six years older than Dean yet lagged behind her in the development of a screen career. Nevertheless, she was selected from among scores of applicants to perform with the Over There Theater League in France. Three troupes of six toured France, performing at YMCA canteens, Red Cross hospitals, and troop encampments. On September 22, Meredith’s troupe performed for the First Pursuit Group in a Rembercourt Aerodrome hangar. The event, which Rickenbacker claimed to have “arranged” himself, was “a howling success,” according to the ace.[17]

Two days later, after bringing down two German planes in his first solo patrol as commander of the 94th—an action that would later earn him the Congressional Medal of Honor—he attended a party in Major Hartney’s quarters, where he encountered one of the performers from two nights before. He recorded the meeting in his diary:  “Am very fond of Lois Meredith and know she is in favor of my acquaintance.”[18] Fond indeed.

Foul weather kept the aviators grounded on September 27, so the ace, now twice over, drove thirty miles to Fleury-devant-Douaumont at the front to see his new heartthrob. A week-and-a-half later, it was down to Bar-le-Duc, just ten miles away, to see her again two days in a row. The two made plans to meet up in Paris when Rickenbacker was on leave. There, from October 12 through 14, they dined at Maxim’s, passed “a most delightful day,”[19] and went shopping. (Rickenbacker, shopping? The man had fallen hard.)

Lois Meredith

He returned to the front as America’s acknowledged ace of aces, with, he wrote, “one more Boche than any other American aviator ha[d] ever shot down.”[20] Shooting down Boches kept him occupied (when it wasn’t raining) for the next three weeks. Yet on November 4, with the intensity of the war winding down, Rickenbacker went back to Paris to see Meredith. The entry reveals both how far he had come since his Columbus street urchin days and for intimating how far he would go as Eastern Air Lines’ smartly dressed chief executive. (Also, perhaps, for showing how far gone he was with Miss Meredith in the present moment.) He wrote: “Made several purchases including a wonderful coat which cost 1450 [francs, or about $4,000 in today’s money]. Seems so foolish of me.” The pair enjoyed a nice dinner and “quite some ride around Paris.”[21]

The romance went nowhere after the war. Surprisingly, neither did the rumors. (Though New York Times theater critic Alexander Woollcott had come close to outing the ace in his fanciful October 27 column: “I saw Lois Meredith rounding the corner on the arm of one of our best fliers,” he wrote.[22])

When Rickenbacker returned to America in early 1919 he was a hero and a plum ripe for gossip. Which fair maiden would steal the ace’s heart?

Priscilla Dean was by no means out of the running. Carl Laemmle wanted to put her in a picture opposite Rickenbacker. (The would-be leading man declined.) A few months later, Rickenbacker happened onto Dean in the lobby of a Vancouver hotel and was hustled out a side entrance by his traveling companion. The aide knew gossip columnists would have had a field day if the two were caught together in public.[23]

Priscilla Dean did eventually get her aviator when she married, as her second husband, globe-circumnavigating Lieutenant Leslie P. Arnold. Arnold—Mr. Priscilla Dean—would go on to work at Eastern Air lines beginning in 1940 as assistant to the president. That president was, of course, Captain Edward V. Rickenbacker.

Meanwhile, Rickenbacker found love in Adelaide Frost Durant, whom he had first met in his racing days as the wife of Cliff Durant. Now, in 1922, with Eddie thirty-one and Adelaide thirty-six, their courtship was condensed, her divorce rushed to completion, and their wedding date set for September 16. Gossip columnists had a verifiable romance to report.

“Love Catches Up with Eddie Rickenbacker’s Heart,”[24] announced the headline of the Washington Times, accompanied by five alluring photographs. The inveterate bachelor had succumbed to love, and the old storyline was trotted out one last time: “Eddie Rickenbacker has driven faster than any other automobilist in the world, and has shot more German warplanes out of the sky than any other American, but although he has tried hard enough, he could not drive fast enough or fly high enough to escape Cupid’s arrow.”

Newlyweds Eddie and Adelaide, 1922

The feature revived the old rumors, too. Amid the photographs of Eddie resting his hand lovingly on his bride’s shoulder and Adelaide demurely fingering a flower (as well as the one of the ace displaying his Nieuport 28’s torn wing) were photographs of two Other Women, alleged rivals for Eddie’s hand in marriage: Priscilla Dean, of course, and, curiously, Elsie Janis, “Sweetheart of the Doughboys.”[25] The former intrigue we know was almost certainly born of a publicity stunt. The latter was just as certainly a conflation of two troop entertainers, the famed Janis for the lesser-known Meredith.  (In August, 1919, Janis had been forced to deny rumors she and Rickenbacker were engaged. “Why, I hardly know him,” Janis was reported to have said, “and I haven’t the slightest idea where the dear boy is. For all I know he may have a wife and three children somewhere.”[26])

Adelaide had the strength of character and maturity to match Eddie’s own, and the ace of aces was deeply in love. In his honeymoon diary, which he titled “The Opening of a New Chapter in My Book of Life”[27] Rickenbacker struggled to find the words to express his emotions: “Like a child with its first real toy am I, only the most beautiful toy, not in the true sense of the word but in the form of a wonderful Pall [sic] to share and suffer through life alike.”[28] A week later in France, he wrote, ingenuously, “It’s just a dream. I wonder at times if it can be true, there seems so much happiness in life.”[29]

“Washington Times,” September 3, 1922

The bliss did not endure, of course, but the marriage did, through life-threatening incidents and accidents of more than fifty years. Adelaide was a fierce advocate for her husband—twice her interventions helped keep him alive—yet she had the wisdom to abide the one mistress he could never give up: his work. The storyline that sportswriters and gossip columnists had created so many years before was, in essence, true. Though Rickenbacker was not “insulated” from women’s charms, nor from the attractions of matrimony, he did have “but one” overriding love: the pursuit, not so much of prizes, but of excellence and influence and the respect of other men.

Images courtesy of Auburn University Libraries Special Collections and Archives, acquisition numbers: 101-96-066-3-257, 101-96-066-3-312, 101-97-054-2-023

101-96-066-3-237

101-96-066-3-093

[1] Los Angeles Times, October 25, 1918.

[2] Rickenbacker, Edward V. “Eddie V. Rickenbacker WWI Diary,” October 27, 1918.

[3] Edward V. Rickenbacker, Life Story 1, 71.

[4] Rickenbacker, Life Story 2, 374-375.

[5] Rickenbacker, Life Story 1, 7, 19. Rickenbacker, “Let’s Appreciate Our Heritage,” Speeches and Addresses IV, November 13, 1949.

[6] Rickenbacker, Rickenbacker, 66.

[7] Rickenbacker, Life Story, 81-83.

[8] Rickenbacker, Rickenbacker, 73.

[9] Ibid., 171.

[10] “Dramatis Personae of the Speed Spectacle,” Chicago Tribune, May 14, 1916.

[11] Finis Farr, Rickenbacker’s Luck, 24.

[12] “To Wed Famous Air Ace,” Los Angeles Times, October 25, 1918.

[13] Rickenbacker, WWI Diary, June 27, July 12, August 25, 1918.

[14] Ibid., August 22, 1918.

[15] Ibid., August 25, 1918.

[16] Dave Miller, “Lois Meredith 1919,” https://www.flickr.com/photos/puzzlemaster/14018646657.

[17] Rickenbacker, WWI Diary, September 22, 1918.

[18] Ibid., September 25, 1918.

[19] Ibid., WWI Diary, October 13.

[20] Ibid.

[21] Ibid., November  4, 1918.

[22] Alexander Woollcott, “Entertainers Overseas,” New York Times, October 27, 1918.

[23] Rickenbacker, Life Story 1, 236.

[24] “Love Catches Up with Eddie Rickenbacker’s Heart,” Washington Times, September 3, 1922.

[25] Edward Lengle, “Elsie Janis Becomes ‘Sweetheart of the Doughboys,’” http://www.edwardlengel.com/elsie-janis-becomes-sweetheart-doughboys-1918/, April 23, 2018.

[26] “Here’s Tough One for Rickenbacker,” Detroit Free Press, August 13, 1919.

[27] Lewis, Eddie Rickenbacker, note 44, chapter 11, p. 597.

[28] Ibid., 260.

[29] Ibid., 261.

History’s Gravity II

I took an uncharacteristically critical stance on Jason Fagone’s biography of Elizebeth Friedman. Until that post, I had avoided making critical comments of any of the works I chose to “review.” Perhaps I thought the author of a bestseller could take it. Besides, the post was as much about me as his book, The Woman Who Smashed Codes. The subject was my deep need to get chronology straight in my mind (and geography, too). Which doesn’t mean I’m necessarily adept at getting it straight, accurate.

(c) pamimages 2020

My post on Eddie Rickenbacker’s umbrella-bike is a case in point. As I researched his childhood years, the chronology just wasn’t making sense. I congratulated myself for catching the inconsistencies, then proceeded to make poor inferences, draw inaccurate conclusions. I lost the forest for the trees. Worse, I preferred a novel explanation over the accepted story simply because it was novel–and I fancied myself the discoverer.

Eddie can’t be blamed for misremembering the chronology. Memory is notoriously fungible. From the transcripts of interviews conducted in the 1940s, I confirmed that Rickenbacker’s barn-roof flight preceded Roy Knabenshue by at least three years. But I learned more than that. Rickenbacker had genuinely forgotten about the incident until the interviewers reminded him. They had learned about it from Eddie’s co-conspirator, Sam Wareham, whom they had tracked down and interviewed first. My suspicion that Eddie exploited the incident to inflate his past was unfounded.

Auburn University Libraries

Rickenbacker’s childhood story had become a subject of interest after the former ace had survived his Pacific Ordeal in late 1942. Hollywood was capitalizing on the public’s interest by making a feature film. A research team was dispatched to Columbus to dig up inspirational stories of his past. The umbrella-bike tale shone above all the others and became the opening scene of the movie–and in David Lewis’s authoritative biography and my own middle grade biography.

Eddie’s autobiographical ghostwriter, Booton Herndon, can be blamed for promoting a story–that Eddie was inspired by Roy Knabenshue–which was chronologically impossible. It made a good story–too good a story to pass up.

I can be blamed for not simply taking David Lewis at his word: that Eddie rode his bike off the roof “almost certainly before” December 1903 when the Wright brothers made their first flight. (After that and he would have been too old to attempt such a foolhardy venture.)

The chronology of the Friedmans in 1916-17 is similarly hard to pin down. Their two biographers, Fagone and Clark, similarly give different accounts, though variations of months rather than years. My post of March 2 once again is too quick to question Fagone, too reluctant to give him the benefit of the doubt, too eager for a novel account.

Wikipedia

One of the main questions concerned the Hindu-German Conspiracy. Here is what I have since discovered:

    1. The plot first hit the newspapers on March 7, 1917.
    2. More conspirators are being apprehended (or “jailed”) in April.
    3. The details of the conspiracy start coming out in July.
    4. Chicago trial opens on October 15, 1917, Judge Kennesaw Landis presiding, ends by October 30.
    5. The San Francico trial starts on November 20, 1917, and ends spectacularly on April 24, 1918, with a courtroom shootout.

A February visit from Scotland Yard makes sense because the Friedmans appeared to know nothing of the conspiracy–it hadn’t hit the papers yet. When and how long they worked is not clear. Yet, we know they solved two book ciphers. They describe the laborious process they used to reconstruct the books, word by word, as well as Fabyan’s international search to try to locate the likely books. This would have taken months, not weeks. The Hindu-German conspiracy kept them occupied through much of the summer and possibly the fall. William was in Chicago to testify, apparently in late October, and serendipitously found the political book for the book cipher while there. William went to San Francisco, too (in April?). He describes the courtroom shooting event, but it is unclear whether or not he was there. His description of the incident lacks personal emotions, so I suspect not. He knew of the event only from the papers.

Nor do I know when the Friedmans solved the Plett cipher device, the breaking of which required finding the key words “cipher” and “machine.” Based on its placement in the narratives I suspect it was in the fall of 1917, September or October.

National Cryptologic Foundation

The most problematic paragraph in my post concerns the length of time that the Riverbank cipher bureau served as the primary cryptographic department of the federal government. My accusation of Fagone contradicting himself was itself a self-contradiction. He was more consistent in his account than I gave him credit for. Furthermore, in my memory (always a questionable source–my notes were incomplete and I hadn’t the book in front of me to refer to) Kahn had been explicit about the brevity of Riverbank‘s heyday as the federal government’s lead cryptographic unit. I was wrong. (I must have been thinking of Clark who is less reliable on these matters.) Kahn, in fact, provides specific dates for specific decryption work through June and July. He corroborates Fagone, too, in the timing of Riverbank’s transition from codebreaking operation to codebreaking school in November.

I had questioned Fagone’s assertion that “for the first eight months of the war, [Riverbank] did all of the codebreaking for every part of the U.S. Government [State, Army, Navy, Justice].” Gathering some primary sources, I learned that the claim came from Elizebeth herself, in much the same words: “For eight months, we, this energetic but small unit of workers on the Fabyan estate, Riverbank, at Geneva, Illinois, performed all code and cipher work for the government in Washington. We did work for the Army and Navy Departments, for the State Department, for the Justice Department….”

I was too quick to challenge Fagone on the basis of a single fact: MI-8, with Herbert Yardley as its head, had been formally created in June. But hurry up and wait is the Army’s unofficial motto. MI-8 was not able to start up from scratch. It took weeks to go from zero to sixty.  As Fagone acknowledged: “[Riverbank’s] work started to dry up in the summer and fall of 1917.” There was a transition.

As to Fagone’s loose-with-chronology storytelling style, I stick with my original critique. It is my preference as a reader as well as researcher to be able to place the sequence, to make my own judgments about cause and effect. Of course, I wouldn’t presume to tell anyone how to write his book. Fagone’s biography sparkled with vivid language that brought Elizebeth to life on the page and fit well with his relatively free-wheeling narrative approach. His poetry cannot be considered poetic license. It is built on prodigious research.

Sources:

Callimahos, Lambros. “The Legendary William F. Friedman” (in “The Friedman Legacy: A Tribute to William and Elizebeth Friedman”). Sources in Cryptologic History, no. 3, Fort Meade: NSA, 2006, 197-198.

Clark, Ronald. The Man Who Broke Purple: The Life of Colonel William F. Friedman, Who Deciphered the Japanese Code in World War II. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1977.

ESF memoir, complete, 1966, GCMF Library.

Fagone, Jason. The Woman Who Smashed Codes: a True Story of Love, Spies, and the Unlikely Heroine who Outwitted America’s Enemies. New York: Harper Collins, 2017.

Kahn, David. The Reader of Gentlemen’s Mail: Herbert O. Yardley and the Birth of American Codebreaking. New Have: Yale University Press, 2004.

WFF letter to Travis Hoke, editor of Popular Science Magazine, January 1920, George C. Marshall Foundation Library

Articles in New York Times, Washington Post, Baltimore Sun, Christian Science Monitor, Chicago Tribune

Feline Gratitude

posted in: Personal | 0

My cat thanked me last night. I don’t know that’s what she did, but it sure felt like it. I can’t prove it or disproved, yet it seems more likely that she did than that she didn’t.

She started the evening in her usual coy way, sitting on the floor, keeping to herself, not deigning to join me on the bed–until she did. In a sudden burst, she leaped up and was on top of me.

She snuggle me and cuddle me in a most desperate manner; rubbing her snout against my arm, my belly, the magazine in my hand; nipping me with a ferocity that made me think of pre-coital kisses. I tried to hug her, calm her, with my other arm. Then I put the magazine down: This was a two-hand job. Such physicality was not so unusual, yet its intensity surpassed anything I had yet experienced. I could say it lasted a good five minutes, but it was likely closer to three.

Almost as quickly as it started, the frenzy ended. Maisy curled up tight–I mean, tight–against my shoulder and stilled. As intense as the frantic cuddling had been, the intimate stillness felt equally so. I was reluctant to disrupt it and thought ahead to how I would remove one of the two pillows under my head, reach over and turn out the light, fall asleep locked in this human-feline embrace. The light was farther than I thought. My stretch broke the moment. Maisy roused and leaped to the floor. I wasn’t disappointed. My back was already sore from the immobility.

A thank-you? I think it was.

 

Spring had sprung. Our kitten-now-almost-cat (teenager?) was spayed and ready to be allowed out in the warm weather. The first day went well. She raced around the house as I sat with my computer on the deck. She romped to her heart’s content and even came in without having to be hunted down. The next day she started around the house but, after more time than I care to admit, I finally noticed she was AWOL. She hadn’t made her regular check-ins. I went out front by way of vigilance. I cut back the winter grasses by way of checking a job off the list.

No signs of her until I heard her a faint meow. Or thought I did. Maisy is the least vocal cat we have ever had. If she meowed, she didn’t repeat it. I didn’t know where it had come from. Was she stuck under the porch? Up in the honeysuckle? I checked, but neither made sense. She is too agile. She can get in and out of anywhere.

Getting up and down from anywhere is a different story. It took my wife, the Thing Finder in the family, almost half an hour to finally look high enough. Maisy was clinging for all she was worth to a swaying tree trunk, one that leaned forward at a 70 ͦangle. She looked to be forty feet in the air, but it was probably closer to thirty-five. All the youthful bluster had been sucked out of poor Maisy. She was a humble kitty now. A desperate, pleading kitty. A kitty, surely, willing to repent her errant ways.

We were lucky (in one way, at least). The tree in question had a fork in the trunk within which our 28-foot extension ladder fit snuggly. Our neighbor and I held it firmly in place on the uphill side while Sue–the one to whom Maisy was deemed more likely to approach–mounted. My eyes stayed focused on ground level, but the talk from above sounded hopeful. I was disappointed to learn she never got closer than eight feet from the cat.

She descended to get the phone and call the fire department. What a cliché! But we were getting desperate.

I looked up at Maisy. She had shifted to a spindly side branch and gave the impression she could tumble at any time. My eyes traced the plumb line to a large leafless honeysuckle directly below. It might break her fall. It might break her beyond repair. (It might impale her!) I looked again up the ladder. “I’m going to be a hero,” I said, and started up with neighbor Mike steadying the ladder.

Sue must have stopped where her hands could still hold the last rung. I saw a solid horizontal branch further up and made for it, extending my reach past hers. I was able to put my right arm over the branch for stability and my left arm up the non-vertical, six-inch diameter trunk toward our terrified cat. I was terrified, too. It wasn’t the height–I assiduously avoided looking down–but I couldn’t think how I was going to hold my cat even if I reached her. With only one arm available, I was more likely to drop her than to rescue her. Not once did I consider her four sets of claws.

My fingertips stretched to within a foot-and-a half of Maisy. Close enough to get her to face down the sixty-degree incline and inch her way down–in fact, barely a few centimeters. Then she drew back. She did this three times, at least. Her fear was palpable.

Then I withdrew, too, to rest my hands upon the ladder’s last rung. By now, Sue had reached the firemen on the phone and was told cat would come down when she got hungry. For all I know firemen haven’t saved a cat since the 1950s. I determined to make one more stab at it, this time going the very end of the ladder. My feet upon the last rung and right arm over  the branch for stabilization, I stretched my left arm up, still farther than last time. Facing down, eyes wide, Maisy inched–centimetered–forward until finger and paw touched. I was still working out what I could possibly do to carry her when she leaped onto my shoulder.

Of course! She’s a cat. But she had had to initiate, and I was so relieved that she did.

The descent was quick and relatively sure. She jumped the final eight feet and my fist went into the air in elation. “I’m a hero!” I shouted, inanely (and somehow perfectly appropriately). My exclamation scared the cat and she bolted. But Sue was able to bring her to heel, so to speak. We had our dinner as darkness fell, trying not to think what a night in a tree would have meant both for her and for us.

Relief was the overwhelming emotion, but it was more than that. There was an elation of a sort, too. I felt like I had done something of supreme importance. I had not felt so intensely in longer than I could remember.

Other people would have posted on Instagram or Twitter. I called my daughter, a true cat person and, well, my daughter. She would appreciate her Dad’s strong emotions. She didn’t answer, but I left a message and that was almost good enough. As I went through my evening routine, I could hardly start a task–teeth-brushing, laying out clothes, putting on pajamas–without a metaphorical pinching of myself and an internal exclamation: “Oh my God!” Getting horizontal was as pleasurable as it has ever been.

Maisy and the author in happier times

And then Maisy leaped up and joined me. The intensity of her own emotions flooded out in a barrage of snout-rubs, toothy nips, and whole-body wriggles. Her way of saying thank-you, perhaps.

Sticklers will object that my cat’s emotional expression lacked the depth of human gratitude. I’m not so sure. It seemed deeply felt to me. She appreciated what I had done for her (perhaps) and let me know it in the best way she knew how. human gratitude is no less self-serving, thankful for acts that have benefited us. Lord knows, I was (am) deeply grateful Maisy made her leap. It spared me a night of sleepless anxiety, an expensive visit to the vet, the pain of losing her, or all of the above.

Besides, it felt pretty good to be appreciated, even if–maybe especially–if the appreciator was a cat. It felt good to appreciate myself, too: “I’m a hero!”

History’s Gravity

Chronology is history’s gravity. That’s what Jill Lepore said on her podcast. I took note. I sensed the truth of her words, yet I wondered, How are they true? Chronology is the force that holds narrative together? The force that draws the most pertinent information to the center of meaning? As a writer of history, I have done my part to resist the chronology’s tyranny. I have looked for ways of organizing information other than dates. My critique partners usually resisted my resistance. They questioned sequence; doubted clarity. So, when I heard a presenter at a children’s writers’ workshop aver that chronology was always the default organizing structure for historical narratives, I took note. And again, a few years later, when I heard Jill Lepore’s astro-physics trope on The Last Archive. I often revisit that note in that accessible file in my brain as I continue to read and write history.

Hence this post. The issue feels especially pertinent after reading (for the second time) Jason Fagone’s The Woman Who Smashed Codes. What were his reasons for eschewing the chronological default mode? Did he succeed in resisting its gravitational pull? Was it worth the effort?

“One day in early 1917…” begins Fagone’s section on the Hindu separatist-German bomb plot that the Friedmans, William and Elizebeth, helped to foil. It is one of their early adventures, almost the beginning of their careers in cryptology, careers that had dropped, unbidden, in their laps. Fagone begin this chapter on the world war with some context. He reminds us that the Zimmermann Telegram was revealed to President Wilson on February 27, 1917, and that Congress declared war on April 6. Focusing more narrowly on his subject, Elizebeth, he tells us that her mother died of cancer that same month and that her employer at Riverbank Laboratories, George Fabyan, made overtures to the War Department, offering it his cryptologic capabilities, such as they were. By April 11, we learn, Fabyan’s Riverbank cipher bureau is receiving cryptograms from the military to solve. Elizebeth and William, to this point in the story, have had experience with but one cryptologic system, the biliteral cipher of Francis Bacon. Fagone devotes the next eleven pages to the state of cryptography and cryptanalysis in the United States military. Chronology is not so important here. He is giving the reader background on the art and science of cryptology, circa 1917, necessary understanding to better appreciate what is to come.

Except that the last three pages include the transformation the Friedmans will help bring about during the next three years, “between 1917 and 1920.” This is not background at all, but a peek into the future of the narrative, which is disorienting. Following Lepore’s metaphor, it is like experiencing zero gravity , making awkward movements to orient oneself. What is gained? Fagone is foregrounding their collaborative cryptologic working relationship. But might that not have been better be shown as it was actually happening, in the chronology?

This is when (“One day in early 1917…”) we get the heavyset man from Scotland Yard showing up at Riverbank with an attaché case full of secret messages–enciphered, perhaps encoded, too. William’s biographer, Ronald Clark, uses almost the same sentence construction with a different chronology to introduce the event: “One morning in the autumn of 1917….” Neither he nor Fagone provide any more dates surrounding the bomb plot episode: Friedmans’ decryption of the Hindu nationalist messages or William’s appearance at the infamous trial that followed. Frankly, this was frustrating for me. I understand that dates can clutter up a narrative. Yet, as a reader, I feel most comfortable when the gravitational grounding of dates are not spaced too far apart.

Fortunately, I live in the era of online digitized historical newspapers. The story of the Hindu-German bomb plot seems to have broken around the beginning of March, 1917. It makes sense that the Friedmans would have been brought into the investigation before it became public knowledge, “in early 1917,” say February . The trial began in San Francisco in late November. The dramatic courtroom slaying of a conspirator-turned-government-informer occurred on April 24, 1918. The conviction and sentencing of twenty-nine conspirators followed shortly on May 1. None of this information was available in the two biographies I read, which is not a trifling matter because, in the Fagone book, many prior events will come later in the chapter and even in the next.

But first another dive into cryptological backgrounding/foregrounding and the cryptological working relationship of William and Elizebeth. Fagone shares another “now-famous story about how they thought about their own differing brains.” It is the one where William, trying to break the British Plett cipher, identifies the first of its two key words. (Cipher, of all things!) He asks Elizebeth, who, on another cryptogram at the time, free-associates the word machine. And she was right. Husband and wife solved it together. What a great team! So mutually complementary! All this is cool, as far as it goes, except…WE DON’T YET KNOW THEY ARE MARRIED!

The rest of the chapter steps back from codebreaking and examines the more basic, sexual relationship between the two cryptanalysts. Fagone ends it with the words: “…the two codebreakers at Riverbank were about to become lovers.” Again, this is both astonishing and disorienting, for the dozen pages of exploits we have just read happen after they had become lovers and then married partners. Fagone’s over-arching purpose appears to be to establish the primacy of the Friedmans’ working relationship over their sexual/marital relationship. Yet, the two aspects aren’t so easily be separated out. They both developed together within the inescapable gravitational pull of time.

The next chapter follows the sequence of events during the war, though at variable pacing. The narrative jumps ahead quickly from the couple’s wedding in May, 1917, with a short sentence: “Their work started to dry up in the summer and fall of 1917.” The Army, we learn, had established its own cryptological unit, MI-8, which replaced the one the Friedmans had established. Clark describes Riverbank’s obsolescence as occurring more suddenly: Their work “lasted only a few weeks. On June 10 the Cipher Bureau–Military Intelligence 8–was set up in Washington under the direction of Herbert Yardley.” Fagone’s description is likely more accurate. Nothing happens quickly in the Army. The transition from Riverbank to MI-8 likely took place over time. Still, his comment twenty pages earlier that the Friedmans’ Riverbank team, “for the first eight months of the war, did all of the codebreaking for every part of the U.S. Government [State, Army, Navy, Justice]” cannot be credited. It is contradicted by his own statement that “the War Department had recently launched a codebreaking unit of its own.” That this statement comes with no date, leaves the reader afloat to make his own inferences and likely reach inaccurate conclusions.

“One day in 1925, when her daughter was two…” another mysterious stranger showed up to deflect the trajectory of Elizebeth Friedman’s life. This visit led to her dozen-plus-year career as cryptanalyst for the Treasury Department. Am I asking too much for a month and date of said visit? Three hundred sixty-five days is a long period of time. Elsewhere, Fagone tells us that FDR gave his inaugural address on March 4, 1933, though that fact is easily found in a Google search. The date gives us a sign-post–a gravitational touchpoint–yet we already know the narrative doesn’t adhere to strict chronology, so what follows may not be in April or May, or even in 1933 at all.

We do move generally forward in time to George Fabyan’s death in 1936. The occasion gives Fagone opportunity to discuss William’s interest in his former employer’s collection of cryptological documents and books, as well as to make an apparently seamless segue into the next section on Herbert O. Yardley’s perfidious The American Black Chamber: “And by now, the Friedmans and their colleagues were struggling to manage the consequences of the biggest leak of cryptologic secrets in the country’s history.” Yet that “by now” is misleading at best because Yardley’s tell-all book (perhaps not all and certainly not all of it truthful) was published in mid-1931. The Friedmans had been “struggling to manage” the fallout for five years at that point. To me, historical truth (or at least a clear understanding of what transpired) is here sacrificed to narrative art.

Strict adherence to chronology can be a stultifying way to tell stories: less narrative drive to be enjoyed, less meaning to be gained, less understanding to be retained. Background, context, extenuating circumstances, and, yes, narrative demands often require doubling back and working forward to the point left off. Lives, events, and trends are not as neat and orderly as skilled biographers and historians can make them seem. Jill Lepore, herself, employs plenty of time-shifting in her New Yorker and Last Archive storytelling. But people read for different reasons. As a researcher, I want facts more than artfulness. Other readers may give more weight to creative storytelling.

In his endnotes, Fagone has left a steady trail of crumbs leading to the story behind his story. I will be forever grateful for the extensive archival work he has done, even if I was sometimes frustrated by his creative flouting of history’s gravity.

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